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Skip to main content. Log In Sign Up. Italian VeV lexical constructions. How Can Diachronic and Synchronic Perspectives be made to work together?

Introduction In this paper we will describe a process of lexical enrichment found in Italian, that yields nouns and adjectives taking two verbs as input. However, some lexical items that have been described as V-V compounds do exist in Italian.

At a purely descriptive level, we can recognize at least two groups. The first, in 1comprises words formed by a sequence of two different verbs; Mangiare coniugazione latino dating second, in 2comprises words formed by the reduplication of a single verb.

The lexemes in group 1 do not Mangiare coniugazione latino dating from a productive lexeme-formation rule; the words listed in 1 nearly exhaust the stock of VV compounds in Italian, and have been formed over a period extending from the 14th century to the first half of the 19th century. The lexemes in group 2instead, appear to be the product of a lexeme formation rule, that took off at the middle of the 19th Mangiare coniugazione latino dating and is still productive today.

This rule, which is described in Thornton bforms action nouns which name actions performed by a plurality of agents; the input appears to be restricted to verbs with disyllabic stems. Thornton b found that both the action nouns in group 1such as the ones in 1gand the lexemes in group 2 have originated from the lexicalization of utterances containing a sequence of two verbs in the imperative singular form.

Thornton for sections 2. Section 1 is to be ascribed to both authors. These utterances have then been lexicalized, becoming action nouns that refer to the situation in which it Mangiare coniugazione latino dating be appropriate to utter the command, or name the maneuver itself.

Nouns such as the ones in 1g and 2 do not exhaust the supply of action nouns based on two verbs in the imperative form in contemporary Italian. A third kind exists, exemplified in 4a-b: But some of the items in this type originate from descriptive imperatives as much as the lexemes in 1g and 2. For Mangiare coniugazione latino dating, tira e molla 4a was originally a call used on ships to order a specific maneuver, first attested in Venetian and hence passed to several Mediterranean languages cf.

A sequence such as tira Mangiare coniugazione latino dating molla is definitely not a prototypical word: However, items like Mangiare coniugazione latino dating ones in 4 fulfill the same task as lexemes created by means of lexeme formation rules or morphological constructions as intended in Booij a,b,c: These multiword lexemes have been analyzed in Masinias phrasal words, i.

In this paper, we will study what we will call the VeV lexical constructions or, in short, VeV lexemes in contemporary Italian. As can be seen from the examples in 4VeV lexemes are not limited to action nouns: We will present a sketch of how the lexical constructions in 4 have become independent from the first lexicalized occurrences and have given rise to a new productive type, i.

Thornton Indeed, it is important to realize that by no means all of the VeV lexemes we were able to collect originated as descriptive imperatives: Therefore, we will start by describing our VeV lexical constructions in the same way as one would describe a lexeme formation rule, looking for constraints on both the input and the output.

Sources The corpus on which we based Mangiare coniugazione latino dating analysis has been collected from different sources. On the other hand, we used la Repubblica corpus henceforth laRwhich contains 16 years of issues of the daily newspaper la Repubblica, for a total of million tokens http: Baroni et alii The token count throughout the paper is based only on the corpus la Repubblica, to give an idea of the distribution of these forms in a corpus.

Essential quantitative data Our corpus consists of 66 types, each of Mangiare coniugazione latino dating may display different lexical categories either noun or adjective, cf.

The whole corpus with all this information the types with their variants and the tokens based on the corpus la Repubblica is listed in the Appendix. In our corpus, there are few very frequent VeV lexemes, the ones listed in 4: Then there is another small group of fairly well-represented items3: All other types have a frequency of fewer than 5 tokens, and 25 are hapaxes accendi e spegni, appila e spila, apri-e-gusta, compra e fuggi, compra e scappa, compra e vendi, consuma-e-getta, copri e scopri, dai e prendi, gratta e Mangiare coniugazione latino dating, lascia-e-piglia, lava e indossa, mangia e bevi, metti e butta, parla e fuggi, porta il riso in cascina e piangi miseria, prega e fuggi, prendi e scappa, prevedi e previeni, sbatti e butta, scarta e inghiotti, scatta nel senso di foto e porta a casa, tocca e corri, tocca e scappa, tura e stura.

The number of verbal bases used in only one lexeme is rather high, but there are also some verbs which tend to occur in more than one type.

Mangiare coniugazione latino dating types amount to Then we have a very small group of verbs which occur as V1 in more than two lexemes: The picture regarding V2 is quite similar. The total number of V2 types is This group displays a slightly higher number of verbs occurring as V2 only once in the corpus of VeV 1 Henceforth, V1 stands for the first member of a VeV lexeme and V2 for the second member.

A diachronic study of the development of this and similar words is necessary, but for reasons of space we must leave it for further research. Therefore, only 7 types occur as V2 in more than one lexeme: Now we will move on to analyze in detail the nature and properties of Italian VeV lexemes. We have looked for phonological, morphological and syntactico-semantic restrictions on the input and the output of these lexical constructions, as is normally done when describing a lexeme Mangiare coniugazione latino dating rule.

Input As for the input, we have checked the following properties: The results of the analysis of the input are discussed in detail in the following sections and then summarized in section 3 Table Disyllabic bases As far as phonological restrictions on the input are concerned, we observe a strong tendency towards having verbs with disyllabic bases as input, both in V1 and in V2 but stronger in V1.

Thornton a has observed a tendency towards disyllabic first members Mangiare coniugazione latino dating all sorts of Italian compounding processes.

For VN compounds this tendency had already been observed by Dardano Mangiare coniugazione latino dating This tendency is stronger in the compounding processes that employ only verbs as bases, such as VV reduplicative compounds and VeV lexemes. To appreciate the strength of this tendency, one must compare the data given for Mangiare coniugazione latino dating different sorts of deverbal compounds with the distribution of bases of different lengths in the Italian verbs overall, which is shown in the rightmost column in Table 1.

Thornton assessing the number of syllables of a word. All the trisyllabic second members also begin with prefixes or sequences which are derived from prefixes; six of them are also vowel-initial. The complete set of trisyllabic members is given in Table 2. Table 2 Trisyllabic members of VeV lexemes V1 accendi, appila, attacca, consuma, prevedi V2 incolla 2 typesimpara, indossa, inghiotti, ammira, stravinci 2 Mangiare coniugazione latino datingprevieni, racconta 2.

Bases with heavy penultimates? Most of the verbs used in both members have a heavy penultimate Mangiare coniugazione latino dating. To assess whether this is due to a phonological restriction on the input, or is simply a reflection of the distribution of heavy penultimates in Italian verbal bases overall, one should compare the data about the VeV lexemes with data about Italian Mangiare coniugazione latino dating in general.

Such data are not easily available. As a benchmark of comparison, we computed the percentage of verbs with heavy vs. Table 3 shows some data about the quantity of the penultimate syllable in verbal bases in several sets of data. In conclusion, the tendency to employ verbal bases with a heavy penultimate cannot be considered a genuine phonological restriction on the input. Inflectional class of the base Italian verbs belong to different inflectional classes. This is not the place to defend one or the other position.

In the following analysis, we will adopt the traditional tripartition, to make the analysis comparable to other published analyses and to use categories more familiar to most readers. Table Mangiare coniugazione latino dating Italian verbal inflectional classes conjugations traditional infinitive ending Main characteristics of the class number citation form 1st -are regular and productive adapted loanwords and all productive verbal suffixes belong here 2nd -ere unproductive and extremely irregular Mangiare coniugazione latino dating et alii sometimes subdivided in two subclasses, according to whether the stress on the infinitive Mangiare coniugazione latino dating falls on the penultimate or the antepenultimate syllable 3rd -ire has two subclasses: Data computed from data in Ricca Thornton reduplicative compounding and in VeV lexemes while verbs used as first members of VN compounds distribute exactly as in the overall lexicon.

Conversely, the 2nd conjugation, which is the totally unproductive one, is highly overrepresented in these sets of data. A tentative interpretation Mangiare coniugazione latino dating these data is the following: In speech and writing, 2nd conjugation verbs are very frequent6and their high token frequency is probably reflected in the high rate in which they appear as members of lexicalized chunks of speech.

Therefore, the distribution of inflectional classes of the input verbs corresponds to that found in token frequency in speech and writing rather than to that found in type frequency in the dictionary. It is also worth noting that the 3rd conjugation verbs that appear as members of VeV lexemes as well as of VV reduplicative compounds all Mangiare coniugazione latino dating to the -isc-less subclass of this conjugation, which is the smallest subclass and is totally unproductive.

This fact is probably related to the fact that both VV compounds and VeV lexemes are formed almost exclusively from Mangiare coniugazione latino dating with disyllabic bases, and no -isc- verb can have a disyllabic base, as -isc- provides a syllable in Mangiare coniugazione latino dating and there are no Mangiare coniugazione latino dating verb stems in the 3rd conjugation.

In VN compounds, verbs from the -isc- subclass do appear as first members. In VN compounds, the tendency to have disyllabic first members is less strong than in constructions with two verbs cf. The second strategy is somewhat more common, but often both strategies apply to the same compounds, as shown by the data in Table 6. Therefore, the only way to comply with a restriction demanding disyllabicity of first members is to select verbs that already have a disyllabic stem, Mangiare coniugazione latino dating excludes -isc- verbs: Morphological complexity of the bases Verbs used as bases in VeV lexemes can be morphologically complex, but only in certain ways.

Data from Thornton a. Prefixed verbs, on the contrary, are not excluded. There are several kinds of prefixed verbs among members of VeV lexemes 18 in total: The remaining five prefixes do add a syllable to their base.

Therefore, there is only one true exception, i. Racconta occurs in bacia e racconta lit. Some other lexemes containing trisyllabic bases are calques: In sum, trisyllabic bases all of which contain a prefix in our 8 In 5 and 6 the forms of prefixed verbs used in VeV lexemes are listed, followed by their citation infinitival form and by the citation form of their base. Thornton sample are peripheral with respect to disyllabic bases, and occur mainly in analogical formations and calques.

Syntax and semantics 2. Syntactic classes Among the syntactic properties of the verbal bases that form VeV lexemes, we have investigated the kind of syntactic classes involved. Mangiare coniugazione latino dating classification of verbs based on argument structure is notoriously problematic.

We have taken into account three major verb classes9: Intransitive but also transitive pronominal verbs e. The same can be said of zero-argument verbs including impersonal and atmospheric verbs e. Table 7 quantifies the presence of the three syntactic classes in our corpus.

This factor might also be relevant for our analysis. Indeed, this can be partially biased by the fairly high presence of transitive verbs with null object alternation e.

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Leap to main content. Log In Sign Up. Italian VeV lexical constructions. How Can Diachronic and Synchronic Perspectives be made to work together? Introduction In this paper we disposition describe a process of lexical enrichment found in Italian, that yields nouns and adjectives taking two verbs as input. In any case, some lexical items that have been described as V-V compounds do subsist in Italian.

At a purely descriptive level, we can recognize at least two groups. The premier, in 1 , comprises words formed by a sequence of two deviating verbs; the second, in 2 , comprises words formed by the reduplication of a single verb. The lexemes in assemble 1 do not determination from a productive lexeme-formation rule; the words listed in 1 nearly finish the stock of VV compounds in Italian, and have been formed on top of a period extending from the 14th century to the first half of the 19th century.

The lexemes in group 2 , instead, appear to be the product of a lexeme formation govern, that took off at the middle of the 19th century and is still productive today. That rule, which is described in Thornton b Armed services, forms action nouns which name actions performed about a plurality of agents; the input appears to be restricted to verbs with disyllabic stems. Thornton b found that both the action nouns in group 1 , such as the ones in 1g , and the lexemes in group 2 have originated from the lexicalization of utterances containing a sequence of two verbs in the indispensable singular form.

Through a number of illuminating cases studies which draw in large part on the largely under-utilized data of Romance dialectal varieties, the present article sets out to highlight the importance that Romance data, especially those of non-standard varietites, can play in testing and enriching currents theories of syntax. In particular, we shall show that dialectal varieties, although frequently overlooked in the past, offer an immensely fertile and still relatively unexplored experimental territory in which to profitably investigate new ideas about language structure, change and variation.

At the same time, we champion the mutual benefits for theoretical linguists and Romanists of adopting a more integrated and reciprocally-informed approach in their respective treatments of linguistic evidence, highlighting how a familiarity with the key tools and ideas established in both fields has the potential to enrich linguistic and empirical analyses considerably.

This perennially fertile and still under-utilized testing ground, I will show, has a central role to play in challenging linguistic orthodoxies and shaping and informing new ideas and perspectives about language change, structure and variation, and should therefore be at the forefront of linguistic research and accessible to the wider linguistic community. At the same time, a familiarity with current key ideas and assumptions in theoretical linguistics has an important role to play in understanding the structures and patterns of Romance, and, in particular, those known to us only through the texts of earlier periods where native speakers are not available to provide crucial grammaticality judgments and fill in the missing empirical pieces of the relevant puzzle.

To cite just one simple example , in his Issues in Italian Syntax , Rizzi observed that whereas in languages like English it is impossible to move a relative pronoun like to whom in 1a from the embedded indirect question which lies they told… to the next clause up, such movement is possible in the corresponding Italian example 1b , where a cui successfully raises out of the embedded clause headed by che bugie.

Therefore, the ungrammaticality of 1a follows because the phrase to whom illicitly moves over two boundaries, namely I wonder and they told , whereas 1b is grammatical because the relative a cui crosses only one boundary, the CP introduced by che bugie. While neighbouring dialects tend to be closely related to each other, manifestly displaying in most cases a high degree of structural homogeneity, they do nonetheless often diverge minimally in significant ways which allow the linguist to isolate and observe what lies behind surface differences in particular parametric settings across a range of otherwise highly homogenized grammars.

By drawing on such microvariation, it is possible to determine which phenomena are correlated with particular parametric options and how such relationships are mapped onto the syntax.

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